I don’t know about you, but saying that Marxists should prioritize dismantling their own country’s bourgeoisie over global imperialism seems a bit ultra-leftist

Also a bit weird that they didn’t talk about Donbass

  • If it’s a country that’s integral to the downfall of imperialism, unless you’ve managed to convince the military and other potential internal dangers to side with your organization (so that there’s no significant security gap right away), I don’t think it’s a good idea to attempt a revolution as long as the outcome would almost certainly be a foreign invasion. Of course, that doesn’t mean that you shouldn’t prepare for a revolution (you definitely shouldn’t be idling, as you said), but the foreign imperialists are far more of a threat than the internal bourgeoisie is, to the world’s proletariat

    If you’re in the imperial core (excluding Amerika), while a revolution certainly would put your country in danger of an invasion or the like, a successful counter-revolution likely wouldn’t have a worse outcome (in terms of foreign policy, at least) than what you had before the attempt

    • @redtea@lemmygrad.ml
      link
      fedilink
      82 years ago

      You understood my points. And I think we’re on the same page. (Yes, I meant individual investors from China rather than China itself.) These follow up comments help, too.

      Perhaps the only two things stopping NATO sending troops (with NATO badges, at least) into Ukraine or directly into Russia are Russia’s military forces and nukes. Any communist revolution in Russia that did not immediately / simultaneously take control of both the soldiers and the nukes would likely be invaded straight away. And however less powerful are the US / NATO than their military budgets suggest, some of their ‘losses’ (e.g. in Afghanistan) are not really due to weakness or incompetence. I.e. they could do a lot of damage to a fledgling socialist state.

      At first, I was critical of the deprogram headline (not necessarily the content, as I never listened to it) because I saw no significant distinction between a national bourgeoisie and global imperialism (with my imperial core goggles on). So I thought it strange to distinguish them in this way.

      But now I’m inclined to accept there is still an important difference there. And that, given the difference, it may make sense in the imperial core to fight the national bourgeoisie (because it’s interests are closely aligned with global imperialism – two birds, one stone, and all that) but in the periphery, the main struggle remains to be against global imperialism (and only against the national bourgeoisie when the time is right).

      In reflection, I’ve also repented on the caution against ‘global’. The far right can’t steal all the useful words.